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Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве





This weekend at FSLC: The Terrible Country tour hits the east and west coasts.

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

The Russian website OpenLeft. Below we present translations from порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве that recently appeared on OpenLeft, providing a range of views from the left on the situation in Ukraine: The reader will note that the Russian and Ukrainian left, like the Western left, has split on the question of Maidan. For порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве most part, this left, while critical of the nationalist elements that predominated during the street protests and the порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве agenda that now dominates the new government, has been supportive of Maidan and opposed to the separatist movement in Southeastern Ukraine, which it sees as an extension of Russian imperialism.

At the same time, as seen below in the порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве by Alexei Sakhnin of the Left Front, some have taken the position that the new government in Kyiv must be resisted at all costs, and that the uprising in the Southeast represents a potentially liberatory movement.

Many of the facts on the ground remain in dispute, any definitive statements of who is involved in what should be treated with skepticism, and all opinions right now ought to be listened to. In particular he asserts that none of the people arrested for separatist activity have been Russian—this is almost certainly untrue. The logic of civil war is increasingly swallowing everything in Ukraine that is not civil порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве, whether they be political arguments or ideas for unity.

Ukrainian leftists, who were already a minor force, have split [over the question of Maidan], and are now crossing ever further points of no return. What is your view of the current situation for the Ukrainian left—on the adequacy of its reaction to events and the possibilities for united action in the future? When Maidan began there were those on the left who totally supported it, and those who supported it critically, and those who completely rejected it. For example, the anarchists were able to enter the structures of Maidan and set up an anarchist brigade.

We, the Left Opposition, came to Maidan but tried to introduce our ideas into the agenda and shift the emphasis within the protest. And then there was Borotba, which refused to support Maidan from the very start because of the large presence of nationalists in it.

So from the very start we had different views of the situation. There were moments when we all came together, for example the protests against Berkut—this was an organic situation for the left, of protesting against the state and its police.

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

And these leftists were accused, in my view fairly, of being on the side of nationalist forces, but pro-Russian rather than pro-Ukrainian ones. And at that point leftsists became divided on the question of whether it was possible to work with Ukrainian nationalists, or with Russian nationalists, or whether it was impossible to work with either, or whether one could work with one of them but only in a particular manner.

But the fact was that порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве or the other group of nationalists was at the head of the movement, of both movements, and leftists had to follow their порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве one way or the other. Are there still possibilities for coming together on the left? Members of the Left Opposition traveled to the eastern regions—to Kharkiv, Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Slavyansk—and conducted polls that confirmed this. But after Odessa, the chances of this kind of unification have dwindled.

As a result one activist from Borotba was killed, and one of the anarchists was wounded. And yet is there still a reason to hope for the formation of a broad-based force that could oppose the logic of civil war? With further and further killings this seems more and more impossible, and it becomes harder to talk with one another.

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

In the east people support each point except the cancelation of Berkut, which they consider to be their defense against the fascist junta. But these same people, who talk about the same порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве, then put on different-colored ribbons and go off to kill one another.

What is your central strategy now?

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

For example in Krivyi Rih [a city in central Ukraine where coal miners have been striking for back wages] during the strike the miners created порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве brigade that kept there from being any violence from either the pro-Ukraine or pro-Russia side. We still hope that this kind of strategy could be a way out of the situation. A recent poll found that 40 порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве of Ukrainians want talks [between the government and the separatists], whereas 35 percent oppose the separatists and support the Anti-Terrorist Operation [what the government is calling the attempted destruction of the separatist fighters by force; ATO].

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

Right now the 35 percent dominate the media and politics, порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве the 40 percent are silent or unable to make themselves heard. Will they be able to gain a voice? These 40 percent who support negotiations, how can you make them speak?

We proposed holding them immediately months ago, because the east and Crimea had no representatives in the Rada. Obviously the ATO needs to be halted. In terms of more achievable tactical goals, there are strikes right now in Krivhi Roh and Kharkiv, and порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве could at the very least help them get more attention in the media as well as some minimal legal assistance.

Could unpopular actions on the part of the government, as they are informed by their obligations to the IMF, help create a unified protest movement? Yes, in that sense the government has been helpful. These will, as usual, affect ordinary people and not big business. This meets the main demands of the IMF, but not the demands of those who came to Maidan.

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

So that situation getting worse could serve to unite a new opposition. Is it possible the government is interested in worsening the situation in the East so as to deflect attention from the unpopular measures it means to pass? Yatsenyuk has said that May will be the most difficult month in the history of Ukraine. What do you see in the near future? What new provocation awaits us? Translated by the Russia desk.

The events of the southeastern Ukrainian protests порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве clearly unprecedented in post-Soviet political history. Mass protest has never before been so intertwined with the actions of armed groups, and its internal causes—with its external ones. In light порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве the vehement propaganda issued by both the Ukrainian and Russian governments and the frantic tactics of those conducting the information warfare, we are, more than ever, desperate to deliver an honest analysis of the facts.

At this moment, the primary objective of activists from the Russian and Ukrainian left should be to refrain from taking sides in this war. They discuss the capacity for these movements to remain independent and the risk that they will be manipulated. We can identify a number of differences between Maidan and the so-called Russian Spring in the southeast of the country, which should keep us from classifying the latter as a mass uprising.

Here are just some of them:. Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве participating in Maidan carried Ukrainian flags, opposing the corrupt regime of Yanukovich and his Russian supervisor, Putin.

In turn, the participants of the Russian Spring movement, waving their St. Maidan was a place where dozens—no, hundreds of thousands—would congregate every weekend. In southeast Ukraine, mass protests and rallies have been continuing nonstop for more than a month. Usually the number fluctuates between people.

For the most part, activists from Maidan did not avoid the press, even at the most crucial and dangerous moments, as when a number of dictatorship laws were passed on January Besides, the Security Service of Ukraine SBU keeps issuing regular reports of Russian citizens arrested for infiltrating the country from the borderline Russian territories.

The thing about Donbass is that there are no mass protests whatsover. The average level of income in Donbass is one of the highest порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве Ukraine, nearing порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве of Kyiv. Dnipropetrovsk, where income levels are relatively stable, is lower in this hierarchy, while the West of Ukraine is at the very bottom.

Why is it that the territory that used to be home to the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraineor Makhnovshchina, is not facing the same borderline terrorist riots that inundate the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and, since the recent assassination attempt on Gennady Kernes, Kharkiv as well? Makhnovia, or Free Territory, occupied a substantial part of what is known today as Western Ukraine.

Why not take over the Security Service buildings in Kherson and Nikolaev, where Russian порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве as commonly used as in the larger districts of the Donbass region? Clearly, all of this tumult and instability can do much harm to the reputation of the new government, which is already facing the risk of failed elections.

This element has a порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве name, a last name, a patronym, and the top slot on the Forbes list of Ukraine. However, while the regime imposed by Yanukovych was criminal, it was also familiar; the new regime has offered more of the same, while lacking familiarity.

But this still leaves room for local criminal gangs, the lumpenproletariat, and members of the older generation nostalgic for the USSR. The presence of the latter can be said to legitimize the Slavyansk junta: The fact that DNP combatants came to the peaceful pro-Ukrainian demonstration in Donetsk and beat everyone up with metallic poles is crucial to our understanding.

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве

Essentially, the motives for the protests in southeast Ukraine are identical to those of the protests in Kyiv and, to a large extent, of those in Moscow in The post-Soviet governmental system is in a state of deep crisis; people have lost all faith in the authorities, in the social order, in all available public institutions.

The social composition of the southeastern uprising also resembles that of Kyiv. We are witnessing a large movement that includes all social sectors: But the main difference between the participants of Maidan and the southeasterern anti-Maidan lies in the structure and organization of their protests.

Maidan, despite its democratic rhetoric, was much more authoritarian. All attempts to bring in new banners led to severe reprisals. The situation in the East is currently much freer and more chaotic, because no one group is in charge. Russian nationalists stand with the radical left, moderate supporters of federalization with criminal gangs lacking any ideological purpose. But whereas Maidan received enormous support and help from the press and even parts of the government [i.

At the pinnacle of Maidan, each citizen of Kyiv received an invitation in the mail, and the TV channels incessantly called for action and mobilization in unison — but no information penetrates the vacuum in which Kharkiv, Donetsk, and Odessa currently reside. Among the hundreds of people arrested, not one has turned out to have a Russian passport—not to mention ID cards порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве the GRU [the Russian foreign intelligence service].

On the other hand, there are quasi-criminal paramilitary groups, various Cossacks, and former Berkut forces operating in Donbass, real порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве are being fought, and there are likely emissaries there from Moscow.

It appears the Kremlin planted them there to help it pick a side to play for, while the fighting groups from going too far.

It is therefore the Southeast that has more liberatory potential, that it is more likely порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве Maidan to make demands uninfluenced and un-manipulated by the elites and foreign powers.

At the same time, the logic порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве national, linguistic, and cultural resistance is pushing the movement in the direction of nationalist-patriotic mobilization. The task of the left is to resist this logic at all costs. Ilya BudraytskisHistorian, researcher, publicist, Moscow. There is a certain kind of symmetry and familiarity to what the events of the southeastern protests in Ukraine have so far offered in response to Maidan.

Like Maidan, it is a mass movement oriented toward replacing those in power while strategically occupying governmental buildings. In other words, as with Maidan, the underlying objective of this movement is one of political revolution. Mass grass-roots participation was decisive to the movement in Kyiv, even though those events also provided a platform for the converging interests of the oligarchy.

Yes, thousands of people demanding a referendum and appealing for federalization have come out on the streets, and continue to do so. Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве yes, the majority of the population in these regions supports those demands and shares the enthusiasm of the protesters.

Порно русские крaсaвицы хрошем кaчестве


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